Policy Document Series · Issue 6 of 35 · April 2026
Honest Broker, Not Unconditional Patron
The United States will be an honest broker — not an unconditional patron. The relationship with Israel is not terminated. It is restructured around law, accountability, and the pursuit of a just peace for both peoples. A country that claims to stand for the rule of law cannot fund and shield conduct that every major international human rights institution has documented as war crimes.
Contents
The Common Good Party applies international law consistently — to Russia in Ukraine, to Hamas on October 7, and to Israel in Gaza. Consistency is not hostility. It is the foundation of credibility.
The platform enforces existing US law (Leahy Law, Section 620I, Arms Export Control Act); conditions the $3.8 billion annual military aid on humanitarian access, a settlement freeze, and ICJ compliance; maintains unconditional missile defense cooperation; supports a two-state solution based on 1967 lines; recognizes Palestinian statehood; cooperates with international justice institutions; and demands accountability from both Hamas and Israel.
Since October 7, 2023, the ICC has issued arrest warrants for war crimes and crimes against humanity. The ICJ has ordered binding provisional measures. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the UN Commission of Inquiry, and Israel's own B'Tselem have concluded that war crimes, crimes against humanity, and in several assessments genocide are taking place. The US has continued to provide weapons and diplomatic cover throughout. That changes.
The United States is not a bystander. It is the primary weapons supplier, diplomatic shield, and financial backer of the conduct in question. The problems are structural.
The US-Israel relationship was not always unconditional. Presidents Eisenhower, Ford, Carter, and George H.W. Bush all conditioned aspects of the relationship on Israeli behavior. The shift toward unconditional support accelerated after the Cold War and crystallized in the post-9/11 era.
1993
The Oslo Accords
The Oslo framework established a pathway toward a two-state solution with approximately 250,000 settlers in the occupied territories. Settlement construction continued through every subsequent negotiation, growing to over 737,000 by 2024 — undermining the very outcome negotiations were supposed to produce.
2016
The $3.8 Billion MOU
The Obama administration's Memorandum of Understanding locked in $3.8 billion per year for ten years — the largest bilateral military aid package in US history — with no conditionality. The conditions that had occasionally been applied under previous administrations were formally abandoned.
2024 (election cycle)
Political Infrastructure
AIPAC and affiliated organizations spent $126.9 million in the 2024 election cycle — including $14.5 million to unseat a single House member. Both parties adopted 'no daylight' policies that made meaningful oversight politically impossible regardless of what the law required.
October 7, 2023
The Turning Point
Hamas committed war crimes — killing 1,195 people, the majority civilians, taking 247 to 251 hostages, and committing sexual violence. Israel's military response escalated into a campaign that every major human rights institution has documented as constituting war crimes and crimes against humanity. The US continued weapons transfers and vetoed ceasefire resolutions throughout.
The United States is an outlier among democracies in providing unconditional military support while shielding Israel from international accountability. 157 nations — including France, the UK, Canada, Spain, Ireland, and Norway — already recognize Palestinian statehood.
| Country | Approach | Key Actions |
|---|---|---|
| Netherlands | Court-ordered arms halt | Court ruled F-35 parts exports must stop due to IHL risk. Government complied with the ruling. |
| Belgium | Regional arms bans | Wallonia suspended arms export licenses to Israel. Federal investigation opened into existing transfers. |
| Italy | Suspension | Suspended new arms exports to Israel citing international humanitarian law concerns. |
| Canada | Partial suspension | Halted new arms permits. Recognized Palestinian statehood as a diplomatic step. |
| Ireland | ICJ intervention | Intervened in ICJ genocide case. Recognized Palestine. Strongest EU criticism of Israeli conduct. |
| United States | Unconditional support | Continued arms transfers. Vetoed 6 ceasefire resolutions. Sanctioned the ICC for investigating. |
The pattern is clear: democracies with functioning arms export controls apply them. The US is the exception — not because the law is different, but because existing law is not enforced. The Leahy Law, Section 620I, and the Arms Export Control Act are already on the books. Every position in this document flows from enforcing laws Congress has already passed.
Six policy areas restructure the US-Israel relationship around law, accountability, and the pursuit of a just and durable peace for both peoples.
Conditional Military Aid — Enforcing Existing Law
Leahy Law — Equal Enforcement: Israeli military units will
be vetted under the same procedures applied to all other countries. Units credibly alleged to
have committed gross violations of human rights will be found ineligible for US assistance.
The State Department's failure to identify a single ineligible Israeli unit in over four years
ends.
Section 620I — Humanitarian Access: If Israel restricts delivery of US
humanitarian assistance, military aid is suspended. No presidential waiver exists. Multiple US
government assessments have already concluded Israel triggers this provision. The law will be
enforced.
Arms Export Control Act — End-Use Compliance: Arms transfers reviewed for
consistency with end-use agreements and international humanitarian law. Credible evidence of
use against civilian populations triggers suspension of the specific weapon systems involved.
Aid Conditions — Three Benchmarks
| Condition | Benchmark | Consequence of Non-Compliance |
|---|---|---|
| Humanitarian access | Unrestricted aid flow to Gaza meeting UN-assessed requirements | FMF disbursement paused until access fully restored |
| Settlement freeze | No new settlement construction or expansion in occupied territories | Proportional FMF reduction equal to estimated settlement spending |
| ICJ compliance | Good-faith compliance with binding ICJ provisional measures and advisory opinion | Diplomatic review; escalation to FMF suspension if non-compliance persists |
Missile defense — unconditional: Iron Dome, David's Sling, Arrow-2, and Arrow-3 cooperation continues regardless of political disputes. These are defensive systems that protect civilian lives. The platform draws a clear line between defensive systems (unconditional) and offensive weapons used against civilian populations (conditional).
Diplomatic Reset
End Automatic UN Vetoes: Resolutions evaluated on their
merits, as with all other countries. The US retains veto power for resolutions it genuinely
believes are unfair. Automatic shielding ends.
Recognize Palestinian Statehood: The US joins 157 nations in recognizing
Palestine, contingent on democratic, accountable Palestinian governance committed to peace.
Support UN Membership: The US will no longer veto Palestine's application for
full United Nations membership.
Appoint Special Envoy: A permanent Special Envoy for Israeli-Palestinian Peace
with presidential backing, a dedicated budget, and a mandate to pursue a negotiated
two-state outcome.
Cooperate with International Justice: Rescind Executive Order 14203
(Trump-era ICC sanctions). The US will not sanction, obstruct, or threaten the ICC, ICJ, or UN
investigatory bodies.
Two-State Solution
The platform supports a negotiated two-state solution based on:
• 1967 lines with mutually agreed, equal land swaps
• East Jerusalem as the capital of the Palestinian state, with shared arrangements for
the Old City and holy sites
• A demilitarized Palestinian state with international security guarantees
• Just resolution of the refugee question — compensation, return to the Palestinian state,
and limited symbolic return to Israel, consistent with the Clinton Parameters and UNGA
Resolution 194
• Dismantlement of settlements outside agreed swap zones
• Regional normalization building on the Abraham Accords framework
• An international monitoring mechanism with enforcement authority — not another Oslo
A full freeze on new settlement construction — not a slowdown, not a pause — is a precondition
for negotiations, and aid is conditioned on it.
Accountability — Both Sides, Equally
Hamas: Committed war crimes on October 7 — killing 1,195
people, taking 247 to 251 hostages, committing sexual violence. The ICC arrest warrant for
Mohammed Deif is legitimate and supported. The platform demands the unconditional release of
all remaining hostages.
Israel: Has conducted a military campaign that every major human rights
institution has concluded constitutes war crimes and crimes against humanity. The ICC arrest
warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant are legitimate. The US will cooperate with — not obstruct —
international accountability mechanisms.
Independent US Investigation: Commission a non-partisan investigation into
whether US-provided weapons were used in violations of international humanitarian law since
October 7. Self-assessment by the same administration providing the weapons is not credible.
AIPAC and Foreign Influence
Congressional FARA Review: Direct Congress to review
whether organizations whose primary mission is aligning US foreign policy with the interests
of a specific foreign government should register under the Foreign Agents Registration Act.
The American Zionist Council was required to register under FARA in 1962; AIPAC was created
partly to avoid this requirement.
Electoral Spending Guardrails: Campaign finance reform should address the
structural problem of any single-issue organization spending $14.5 million to unseat a single
House member or $126.9 million in a single cycle to discipline both parties on a single foreign
policy issue. Publicly funded elections address this structurally.
What This Policy Is Not
Not anti-Israel. Conditional aid is how the US structures
most of its international relationships. Exempting one country from the law that applies to
everyone else is the anomaly — not conditionality.
Not pro-Hamas. Hamas committed war crimes. This platform supports its
disarmament, the unconditional release of all hostages, and the ICC warrant for its
commanders.
Not abandonment. $3.8 billion per year plus unconditional missile defense
is not abandonment. What changes is the unconditional nature of the political relationship.
Not new law. Every position flows from enforcing laws Congress has already
passed or from international law obligations the US has already accepted.
This policy does not increase spending. It restructures existing commitments and reduces unconditional expenditures that currently lack oversight or accountability.
| Component | Fiscal Impact | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| Conditional military aid | $3.8B/year (existing) | Same budget envelope, with conditions and oversight. Savings accrue from suspended transfers during non-compliance periods. |
| Missile defense | Existing appropriations | Iron Dome, Arrow-2, Arrow-3, David's Sling continue without change or conditionality. |
| Special Envoy office | ~$10–20M/year | Dedicated diplomatic staff; modest relative to State Department overall budget. |
| Independent investigation | ~$5–15M (one-time) | Commission to review US weapons use in IHL violations since October 7, 2023. |
| Settlement freeze enforcement | Net savings | FMF reductions equal to settlement spending during non-compliance periods create budget savings. |
Conditional aid does not cost more than unconditional aid. It costs less during periods of non-compliance — and compliance is the goal. The diplomatic investment (Special Envoy, independent investigation) is measured in tens of millions against a $3.8 billion baseline. The core fiscal reality: this policy restructures accountability without expanding the budget.
Most elements of this policy require executive action, not new legislation — enforcing existing law can begin on day one of a new administration.
The counterarguments to this policy are predictable and deserve direct, evidence-based responses.
"This is anti-Israel."
Conditional aid is how the US structures the vast majority of its international relationships. Germany, Japan, South Korea, Egypt, and Jordan all receive US military assistance with conditions. Exempting one country from the rules that apply to everyone else is the anomaly — not conditionality. $3.8 billion per year in military aid plus unconditional missile defense cooperation is not anti-Israel. It is accountable partnership.
"Hamas started this."
Hamas committed war crimes on October 7 — this platform says so explicitly and supports ICC accountability for Hamas commanders and the unconditional release of all remaining hostages. But a war crime by one party does not authorize war crimes by the other. International humanitarian law applies to all parties in all conflicts. US law does not permit funding violations of that law, regardless of which party commits them.
"Conditioning aid will weaken Israel's security."
Missile defense cooperation — Iron Dome, Arrow, David's Sling — continues unconditionally. These are the systems that actually protect Israeli civilians from rocket fire. What is conditional is offensive weapons used against civilian populations in documented violation of international law. Protecting Israeli civilian security and preventing war crimes are not in conflict — they are complementary goals.
"The two-state solution is dead."
It is the only solution that avoids permanent apartheid (one state, two populations, unequal rights) or ethnic cleansing (one state through expulsion). Settlements have made it harder — that is precisely why a freeze is essential. The alternative to a two-state solution is not the status quo — it is a single state in which either Palestinians are permanently subjugated or Israel ceases to be a Jewish-majority democracy. Neither outcome is acceptable or sustainable.
"This will damage the US-Israel relationship."
The unconditional relationship has produced the worst outcomes for both countries in a generation. Israel is more internationally isolated than at any point in its history. The US has undermined its own credibility on international law globally — including its ability to condemn Russia's conduct in Ukraine. A relationship built on accountability and mutual respect is stronger than one built on unconditional permission. Honest partnership is not abandonment.
Cross-References
| #7 | Ukraine & NATO | Consistent application of international law. If the US conditions support on Russia's compliance with IHL, it must do the same for Israel. Credibility on Ukraine depends on consistency on Gaza. |
| #9 | Defense Spending | Military aid to Israel is part of the overall defense budget. Pentagon audit requirements apply to all military expenditures, including foreign military financing. |
| #18 | Voting Rights & Democracy | Electoral spending guardrails for AIPAC and similar organizations fall under campaign finance reform. Citizens United and PAC reform apply here. |
| #20 | Corporate Power | Defense contractor lobbying for unconditional military aid is part of the broader corporate influence problem in American foreign policy. |
| #24 | Campaign Finance | AIPAC spending of $126.9 million in a single cycle is a campaign finance problem. Publicly funded elections and PAC abolition address this structurally. |
| #31 | Government Corruption | The failure to enforce existing law (Leahy Law, Section 620I) despite documented violations is an accountability failure. The duty-to-act framework applies to all oversight roles. |
Policy Position Summary
| Annual military aid ($3.8B) | Continues — conditional on humanitarian access, settlement freeze, ICJ compliance |
| Missile defense | Unconditional — Iron Dome, Arrow, David's Sling continue regardless of disputes |
| Leahy Law | Equal enforcement — same procedures as all other countries receiving US military assistance |
| Section 620I | Enforced — aid blocked if humanitarian access to Gaza is restricted |
| UN Security Council vetoes | Case-by-case evaluation — no more automatic shield |
| Palestinian statehood | Recognized — subject to democratic Palestinian governance committed to peace |
| Palestine UN membership | Supported — US will no longer veto the application |
| Two-state solution | Yes — 1967 lines, land swaps, demilitarized Palestine, regional normalization |
| Settlements | Full freeze required — aid conditioned on compliance |
| ICC / ICJ | Cooperate, not obstruct — rescind sanctions on international courts (EO 14203) |
| Hamas — October 7 | War crimes condemned; ICC warrant for commanders supported; hostages: unconditional release demanded |
| Israel — Gaza conduct | ICC warrants legitimate; US cooperates with international accountability; independent investigation commissioned |
| AIPAC / FARA | Congressional review of FARA applicability; campaign finance reform addresses electoral spending |
"If international law applies to Russia in Ukraine and to Hamas on October 7, it applies to Israel in Gaza. Consistency is not hostility — it is the foundation of credibility."— The Common Good Party
Sources & Citations